How choke points of global sea lanes influence trade, power and risk

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From Samirul Ariff Othman

In an increasingly fractured world, geoeconomics – the convergence of geography, economics, and strategic coercion – is emerging as the principal currency of power.

Two maritime chokepoints, the Red Sea and the Strait of Hormuz, are once again defining the limits of global trade stability. With over US$1 trillion in goods and nearly 20% of the world’s oil flowing through these straits, even a temporary disruption can wreak havoc on supply chains, energy markets, and inflation across continents.

As war returns to the waterways, geography is no longer just destiny. It is the front line of a multipolar world order in flux.

From trade corridor to conflict zone

The Red Sea was, until recently, a dependable artery connecting Asia and Europe. The Suez Canal, cutting across Egypt, remains a marvel of human engineering, dramatically shortening transit times and anchoring the flow of global goods.

But in 2025, its stability is unravelling. The eruption of direct hostilities between Iran, Israel, and the US has turned the corridor from Red Sea to Bab al-Mandab and Suez into a volatile warzone.

Iran-backed Houthi missile and drone attacks have targeted vessels transiting the southern Red Sea with growing precision. In response, Nato warships have increased patrols while Israeli operations in Yemen have expanded in scope. Commercial shipping insurers have begun to withdraw coverage altogether, rendering many routes practically unusable.

Djibouti, already home to the US, Chinese, and French military installations, has become the forward-operating base in this new regional standoff. The Bab al-Mandab Strait, once dominated by pirates, is now a hotspot for missile strikes, naval skirmishes, and retaliatory raids.

The consequences are immediate: container delays, rerouting via the Cape of Good Hope, and a spike in war risk premiums. For the global economy, this means higher costs for electronics, energy, and fast-moving consumer goods.

A powder keg reignited

The Strait of Hormuz is again the world’s most dangerous chokepoint. Following Israeli airstrikes on Iranian military assets and the US interception of Iranian ballistic missiles over the Gulf, Iran has escalated its presence. Mines have been deployed, and live-fire exercises now simulate direct attacks on oil tankers.

By late June, Iran began partially restricting commercial shipping, citing national security interests. Oil surged past US$130 per barrel, and significant disruptions were posed to liquefied natural gas (LNG) flows into Asia, particularly to Japan, South Korea, and Malaysia.

Tanker traffic is bottlenecked. Gulf exporting countries Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia face logistical chokeholds. Importers are scrambling for alternatives.

The US Navy’s Fifth Fleet, based in Bahrain, and its strike assets in Qatar’s Al Udeid Air Base are now operating under heightened alert. Meanwhile, Oman’s mediatory efforts are struggling to de-escalate a region teetering on the brink of multi-state war.

If Hormuz is sealed even for a week, the global economy convulses. Fuel prices spike. Supply chains fragment. Inflationary pressure returns. Risk premiums become embedded in everything from freight contracts to food prices.

Cascading risks beyond the Gulf

The dual crisis at Hormuz and the Red Sea is creating spillover effects across the maritime world. With insurers raising premiums across East African, Indian Ocean, and Melaka-bound routes, freight costs are rising globally – even where vessels haven’t yet been hit.

This is the cascading logic of chokepoint insecurity. When one artery is blocked, others are strained. When two are compromised, the entire system starts to wobble. Globalisation is resilient, but only when the sea lanes are open, secure, and trusted.

What this means for Malaysia and Asia

Asia is highly exposed. Countries like Malaysia, Singapore, Japan, and South Korea rely on stable maritime corridors for the bulk of their energy imports. For Malaysia in particular, the vulnerabilities are real and immediate.

A prolonged disruption at Hormuz could strain domestic refinery operations, delay petrochemical exports, and spike LNG import bills. With global shipping in disarray, Malaysian exports, particularly to Europe, may face congestion or redirection, increasing delivery lags and operational costs.

But within these risks lie potential inflection points. Malaysia’s key ports – Port Klang and Port of Tanjung Pelepas – could re-emerge as strategic fallback hubs for Southeast Asia, especially if transshipment is diverted away from Suez and toward Melaka.

Rerouting may also open new overland logistics possibilities: the Thai-Malay rail corridors, Indonesia’s Batam-Belawan logistics triangle, or trans-Pacific loops. These are not automatic gains; they require national coordination and regional alignment.

To mitigate chokepoint dependency, Malaysia should consider the following:

• Accelerate LNG diversification toward Australian, North Asian, or African sources.
• Expand national fuel reserves as a shock buffer.
• Scale up maritime coordination under the Straits of Malacca security framework with Indonesia and Thailand.
• Invest in digital port infrastructure to manage potential cargo surges or rerouting flows.

Geopolitically, Malaysia must also sharpen its hedging strategy between maritime power blocs, balancing reliance on American naval guarantees with Asean-led maritime cooperation mechanisms.

We are entering a new age of strategic chokepoints. The Red Sea and Strait of Hormuz are no longer just trade routes; they are litmus tests for how the world responds to overlapping security, economic, and political shocks.

For Malaysia and its regional partners, this is not just a foreign policy issue. It is a national economic imperative. Geography still shapes our destiny, but now it also tests our capacity to adapt, hedge, and lead.

Samirul Ariff Othman is an adjunct lecturer at Universiti Teknologi Petronas, an international relations analyst and a senior consultant with Global Asia Consulting.

The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect that of FMT.

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